The Great Pueblo Revolt - Resisting Spanish Colonialism

The Great Pueblo Revolt, or Pueblo Revolt [AD 1680-1696], was a 16-year period in the history of the American southwest when the Pueblo people overthrew the Spanish conquistadors and began to rebuild their communities. The events of that period have been viewed over the years as a failed attempt to permanently expel Europeans from the pueblos, a temporary setback to Spanish colonization, a glorious moment of independence for the pueblo people of the American southwest, or part of a larger movement to purge the Pueblo world of foreign influence and return to traditional, pre-Hispanic ways of life. It was no doubt a bit of all four. The Spanish first entered the northern Rio Grande region in 1539 and its control was cemented in place by the 1599 siege of Acoma pueblo by Don Vicente de Zaldivar and a few score of soldier colonists from the expedition of Don Juan de Oà ±ate. At Acomas Sky City, Oà ±ates forces killed 800 people  and captured 500 women and children and 80 men. After a trial, everyone over the age of 12 was enslaved; all men over 25 had a foot amputated. Roughly 80 years later, a combination of religious persecution and economic oppression led to a violent uprising in Santa Fe and other communities of what is today northern New Mexico. It was one of the few successful--if temporary--forceful stoppages of the Spanish colonial juggernaut in the New World. Life Under the Spanish As they had done in other parts of the Americas, the Spanish installed a combination of military and ecclesiastical leadership in New Mexico. The Spanish established missions of Franciscan friars in several pueblos to specifically break up the indigenous religious and secular communities, stamp out religious practices and replace them with Christianity. According to both Pueblo oral history and Spanish documents, at the same time the Spanish demanded that the pueblos render implicit obedience and pay heavy tribute in goods and personal service. Active efforts to convert the Pueblo people to Christianity involved destroying kivas and other structures, burning ceremonial paraphernalia in public plazas, and using accusations of witchcraft to imprison and execute traditional ceremonial leaders. The government also established an encomienda system, allowing up to 35 leading Spanish colonists to collect tribute from the households of a particular pueblo. Hopi oral histories report that the reality of the Spanish rule included forced labor, the seduction of Hopi women, raiding of kivas and sacred ceremonies, harsh punishment for failing to attend mass, and several rounds of drought and famine. Many accounts among Hopis and Zunis and other Puebloan people recount different versions than that of the Catholics, including sexual abuse of Pueblo women by Franciscan priests, a fact never acknowledged by the Spanish but cited in litigation in later disputes. Growing Unrest While the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 was the event that (temporarily) removed the Spanish from the southwest, it was not the first attempt. The pueblos had offered resistance throughout the 80-year period following the conquest. Public conversions didnt (always) lead to people giving up their traditions but rather drove the ceremonies underground. The Jemez (1623), Zuni (1639) and Taos (1639) communities each separately (and unsuccessfully) revolted. There also were multi-village revolts which took place in the 1650s and 1660s, but in each case  , the planned revolts were discovered and the leaders executed. The Pueblos were independent societies before Spanish rule, and fiercely so. What led to the successful revolt was the ability to overcome that independence and coalesce. Some scholars say that the Spanish unwittingly gave the Pueblo people a set of political institutions that they used to resist colonial powers. Others think it was a millenarian movement, and have pointed to a population collapse in the 1670s resulting from a devastating epidemic that killed off an estimated 80% of the native population, and it became clear that the Spanish were unable to explain or prevent epidemic diseases or calamitous droughts. In some respects, the battle was one of whose god was on whose side: both Pueblo and Spanish sides identified the mythical character of certain events, and both sides believed the events involved supernatural intervention. Nonetheless, the suppression of indigenous practices became particularly intense between 1660 and 1680, and one of the main reasons for the successful revolt appears to have occurred in 1675  when then-governor Juan Francisco de Trevino arrested 47 sorcerers, one of whom was Popay of San Juan Pueblo. Leadership PoPay (or Popà ©) was a Tewa religious leader, and he was to become a key leader and perhaps primary organizer of the rebellion. PoPay may have been key, but there were plenty of other leaders in the rebellion. Domingo Naranjo, a man of mixed African and Indian heritage, is often cited, and so are El Saca and El Chato of Taos, El Taque of San Juan, Francisco Tanjete of San Ildefonso, and Alonzo Catiti of Santo Domingo. Under the rule of colonial New Mexico, the Spanish deployed ethnic categories ascribing pueblo to lump linguistically and culturally diverse people into a single group, establishing dual and asymmetric social and economic relationships between the Spanish and Pueblos. Popay and the other leaders appropriated this to mobilize the disparate and decimated villages against their colonizers. August 10-19th, 1680 After eight decades of living under foreign rule, Pueblo leaders fashioned a military alliance that transcended longstanding rivalries. For nine days, together they besieged the capital of Santa Fe and other pueblos. In this initial battle, over 400 Spanish military personnel and colonists and 21 Franciscan missionaries lost their lives: the number of Pueblo people who died is unknown. Governor Antonio de Otermin and his remaining colonists retreated in ignominy to El Paso del Norte (what is today Cuidad Juarez in Mexico).    Witnesses said that during the revolt and afterward, PoPay toured the pueblos, preaching a message of nativism and revivalism. He ordered the pueblos to break up and burn the images of Christ, the Virgin Mary and other saints, to burn the temples, smash the bells, and separate from the wives the Christian church had given them. Churches were sacked in many of the pueblos; idols of Christianity were burned, whipped and felled, pulled down from the plaza centers and dumped in cemeteries. Revitalization and Reconstruction Between 1680 and 1692, despite the efforts of the Spanish to recapture the region, the Pueblo people rebuilt their kivas, revived their ceremonies and reconsecrated their shrines. People left their mission pueblos at Cochiti, Santo Domingo and Jemez and built new villages, such as Patokwa (established in 1860 and made up of Jemez, Apache/Navajos and Santo Domingo pueblo people), Kotyiti (1681, Cochiti, San Felipe and San Marcos pueblos), Boletsakwa (1680-1683, Jemez and Santo Domingo), Cerro Colorado (1689, Zia, Santa Ana, Santo Domingo), Hano (1680, mostly Tewa), Dowa Yalanne (mostly Zuni), Laguna Pueblo (1680, Cochiti, Cieneguilla, Santo Domingo and Jemez). There were many others. The architecture and settlement planning at these new villages was a new compact, dual-plaza form, a departure from the scattered layouts of mission villages. Liebmann and Pruecel have argued that this new format is what the builders considered a traditional prehispanic village, based on clan moieties. Some potters worked on reviving traditional motifs on their glaze-ware ceramics, such as the doubled-headed key motif, which originated AD 1400-1450. New social identities were created, blurring the traditional linguistic-ethnic boundaries that defined Pueblo villages during the first eight decades of colonization. Inter-pueblo trade and other ties between pueblo people were established, such as new trade relationships between Jemez and Tewa people which became stronger during the revolt era than they had been in the 300 years before 1680. Reconquest Attempts by the Spanish to reconquer the Rio Grande region began as early as 1681  when the former governor Otermin attempted to take back Santa Fe. Others included Pedro Romeros de Posada in 1688 and Domingo Jironza Petris de Cruzate in 1689--Cruzates reconquest was particularly bloody, his group destroyed Zia pueblo, killing hundreds of residents. But the uneasy coalition of independent pueblos wasnt perfect: without a common enemy, the confederation broke into two factions: the Keres, Jemez, Taos and Pecos against the Tewa, Tanos, and Picuris. The Spanish capitalized on the discord to make several reconquest attempts, and in August of 1692, the new governor of New Mexico Diego de Vargas, initiated his own reconquest, and this time was able to reach Santa Fe and on August 14th proclaimed the Bloodless Reconquest of New Mexico. A second abortive revolt occurred in 1696, but after it failed, the Spanish remained in power until 1821 when Mexico declared independence from Spain. Archaeological and Historical Studies Archaeological studies of the Great Pueblo Revolt have been focused on several threads, many of which began as early as the 1880s. Spanish mission archaeology has included excavating the mission pueblos; refuge site archaeology focuses on investigations of the new settlements created after the Pueblo Revolt; and Spanish site archaeology, including the royal villa of Santa Fe and the governors palace which was extensively reconstructed by the pueblo people. Early studies relied heavily on Spanish military journals and Franciscan ecclesiastical correspondence, but since that time, oral histories and active participation of the pueblo people have enhanced and informed scholarly understanding of the period. Recommended Books There are a few well-reviewed books that cover the Pueblo Revolt. Espinosa, MJ (translator and editor). 1988. The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1698 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.Hackett CW, and Shelby, CC. 1943. Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermins Attempted Reconquest. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.Knaut, AL. 1995. The Pueblo Revolt of 1680: Conquest and Resistance in Seventeenth-Century New Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.Liebmann M. 2012. Revolt: An Archaeological History of Pueblo Resistance and Revitalization in 17th Century New Mexico. Tucson: University of Arizona PressPreucel, RW. (editor). 2002. Archaeologies of the Pueblo Revolt: Identity, Meaning, and Renewal in the Pueblo World. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.Riley, CL. 1995. Rio del Norte: People of the Upper Rio Grande from Earliest Times to the Pueblo Revolt. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.Wilcox, MV. 2009. The Pueblo Rev olt and the Mythology of Conquest: An Indigenous Archaeology of Contact. Berkley: University of California Press. Sources This article is part of the About.com guide to Ancestral Pueblo Societies, and part of the Dictionary of Archaeology Lamadrid ER. 2002. Santiago and San Acacio: Slaughter and Deliverance in the Foundational Legends of Colonial and Postcolonial New Mexico. The Journal of American Folklore 115(457/458):457-474.Liebmann M. 2008. The Innovative Materiality of Revitalization Movements: Lessons from the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. American Anthropologist 110(3):360-372.Liebmann M, Ferguson TJ, and Preucel RW. 2005. Pueblo Settlement, Architecture, and Social Change in the Pueblo Revolt Era, A.D. 1680 to 1696. Journal of Field Archaeology 30(1):45-60.Liebmann MJ, and Preucel RW. 2007. The archaeology of the Pueblo Revolt and the formation of the modern Pueblo world. Kiva 73(2):195-217.Preucel RW. 2002. Chapter I: Introduction. In: Preucel RW, editor. Archaeologies of the Pueblo Revolt: Identity, Meaning, and Renewal in the Pueblo World. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. p 3-32.Ramenofsky AF, Neiman F, and Pierce CD. 2009. Measuring Time, Population, and Residential Mobility from the Surface at San M arcos Pueblo, North Central New Mexico. American Antiquity 74(3):505-530.Ramenofsky AF, Vaughan CD, and Spilde MN. 2008. Seventeenth-Century Metal Production at San Marcos Pueblo, North-Central New Mexico. Historical Archaeology 42(4):105-131.Spielmann KA, Mobley-Tanaka JL, and Potter MJ. 2006. Style and Resistance in the Seventeenth-Century Salinas Province. American Antiquity 71(4):621-648.Vecsey C. 1998. Pueblo Indian Catholicism: The Isleta case. US Catholic Historian 16(2):1-19.Wiget A. 1996. Father Juan Greyrobe: Reconstructing tradition histories, and the reliability and validity of uncorroborated oral tradition. Ethnohistory 43(3):459-482.

Why Suicide Terrorism Is An Effective Tactic - 1354 Words

Critically examine why suicide terrorism is such an effective tactic. Over the past decades suicide terrorism has confirmed its effective tactic and it is seem to be developing and growing movement. Terrorism is designed to cause panic within people, communities and countries but also to gain the publicity through media. Suicide terrorism, more than other forms of terrorist activities is presenting determination and dedication both of dying by individual terrorist as well as the desire to kill innocent people. Suicide terrorism is an attractive tool for terrorist activities with guarantee media publicity with the international dimension. The aim of the attacks is to draw attention of governments, international organisations and†¦show more content†¦Properly motivated suicide bomber is in a position to break closer to the attack point and is more flexible which makes him more effective, also takes advantage of favourable situation. Suicide types of attacks are particularly shocking to people who do not understand the rationale and motivation o f perpetrators of such attacks. In addition, it deepens the psychological effect of suicide bomb attacks which is adding the fear and thus better promoting the objective of the terrorists. Another element of the strategy is untwisting the â€Å"spiral of violence†. The classic mechanism, which assume the existence of cycles of suicide terrorism activity in a â€Å"action-repression-reaction† it is aimed at lowering the public support for the government, and increase it for the terrorists. By curried out the suicide terrorism attacks, the intension and aim of the terrorists is to hit the repressive actions of the authorities not only in themselves but also in the group indentified with them and/or their supporters (a specified ethnic group, religious, social or the entire society). As a result, this process has lead to massive social explosion directed against the government. Such a model of strategy for terrorism has been used by most of the leftist groups in Europe in the nineteenth century, and in the

Winnie-the-Pooh Free Essays

Milne named the character Winnie-the-Pooh after a teddy bear owned by his son, Christopher Robin Milne, who was the basis for the character Christopher Robin. Christopher’s toys also lent their names to most of the other characters, except for Owl and Rabbit, as well as the Gopher character, who was added in the Disney version. Christopher Robin’s toy bear is now on display at the Main Branch of the New York Public Library in New York. We will write a custom essay sample on Winnie-the-Pooh or any similar topic only for you Order Now [2] Harry Colebourne and Winnie, 1914 Christopher Milne had named his toy bear after Winnie, a Canadian black bear which he often saw at London Zoo, and â€Å"Pooh†, a swan they had met while on holiday. The bear cub was purchased from a hunter for $20 by Canadian Lieutenant Harry Colebourn in White River, Ontario, Canada, while en route to England during the First World War. He named the bear â€Å"Winnie† after his hometown in Winnipeg, Manitoba. â€Å"Winnie† was surreptitiously brought to England with her owner, and gained unofficial recognition as The Fort Garry Horse regimental mascot. Colebourne left Winnie at the London Zoo while he and his unit were in France; after the war she was officially donated to the zoo, as she had become a much loved attraction there. [3] Pooh the swan appears as a character in its own right in When We Were Very Young. In the first chapter of Winnie-the-Pooh, Milne offers this explanation of why Winnie-the-Pooh is often called simply â€Å"Pooh†: â€Å"But his arms were so stiff †¦ they stayed up straight in the air for more than a week, and whenever a fly came and settled on his nose he had to blow it off. And I think — but I am not sure — that that is why he is always called Pooh. † Ashdown Forest: the setting for the stories The Winnie-the-Pooh stories are set in Ashdown Forest, Sussex, England. The forest is a large area of tranquil open heathland on the highest sandy ridges of the High Weald Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty situated 30 miles (50 km) south of London. In 1925 Milne, a Londoner, bought a country home a mile to the north of the forest at Cotchford Farm, near Hartfield. According to Christopher Milne, while his father continued to live in London â€Å"†¦ he four of us—he, his wife, his son and his son’s nanny—would pile into a large blue, chauffeur-driven Fiat and travel down every Saturday morning and back again every Monday afternoon. And we would spend a whole glorious month there in the spring and two months in the summer. † [4] From the front lawn the family had a view across a meadow to a line of alders that fringed the River Medway, beyond which the ground rose through more trees until finally â€Å"above them, in the faraway distance, crowning the view, was a bare hilltop. In the center of this hilltop was a clump of pines. † Most of his father’s visits to the forest at this time were, he noted, family expeditions on foot â€Å"to make yet another attempt to count the pine trees on Gill’s Lap or to search for the marsh gentian†. Christopher added that, inspired by Ashdown Forest, his father had made it â€Å"the setting for two of his books, finishing the second little over three years after his arrival†. Many locations in the stories can be linked to real places in and around the forest. As Christopher Milne wrote in his autobiography: â€Å"Pooh’s forest and Ashdown Forest are identical†. For example, the fictional â€Å"Hundred Acre Wood† was in reality Five Hundred Acre Wood; Galleon’s Leap was inspired by the prominent hilltop of Gill’s Lap, while a clump of trees just north of Gill’s Lap became Christopher Robin’s The Enchanted Place because no-one had ever been able to count whether there were sixty-three or sixty-four trees in the circle. [5] The landscapes depicted in E. H.  Shepard’s illustrations for the Winnie-the-Pooh books are directly inspired by the distinctive landscape of Ashdown Forest, with its high, open heathlands of heather, gorse, bracken and silver birch punctuated by hilltop clumps of pine trees. In many cases Shepard’s illustrations can be matched to actual views, allowing for a degree of artistic license. Shepard’s sketches of pine trees and other forest scenes are on display at the VA Museum in London. The game of Poohsticks was originally played by Christopher Milne on a footbridge across a tributary of the River Medway in Posingford Wood, close to Cotchford Farm. It is traditional to play the game there using sticks gathered in nearby woodland. When the footbridge required replacement in recent times the engineer designed a new structure based closely on the drawings by E. H. Shepard of the bridge in the original books, as the bridge did not originally appear as the artist drew it. An information board at the bridge describes how to play the game. First publication Winnie-the-Pooh’s debut in the 24 December 1925 London Evening News There are three claimants, depending on the precise question posed. Christopher Robin’s teddy bear, Edward, made his character debut in a poem called â€Å"Teddy Bear† in Milne’s book of children’s verse When We Were Very Young (6 November 1924) although his true first appearance was within the 13 February 1924 edition of Punch magazine which contained the same poem along with other stories by Milne and Shepard. Winnie-the-Pooh first appeared by name on 24 December 1925, in a Christmas story commissioned and published by the London newspaper The Evening News. It was illustrated by J. H. Dowd. [6] The first collection of Pooh stories appeared in the book Winnie-the-Pooh. The Evening News Christmas story reappeared as the first chapter of the book, and at the very beginning it explained that Pooh was in fact Christopher Robin’s Edward Bear, who had simply been renamed by the boy. The book was published in October 1926 by the publisher of Milne’s earlier children’s work, Methuen, in England, and E. P. Dutton in the United States. How to cite Winnie-the-Pooh, Essay examples