The Great Pueblo Revolt - Resisting Spanish Colonialism

The Great Pueblo Revolt, or Pueblo Revolt [AD 1680-1696], was a 16-year period in the history of the American southwest when the Pueblo people overthrew the Spanish conquistadors and began to rebuild their communities. The events of that period have been viewed over the years as a failed attempt to permanently expel Europeans from the pueblos, a temporary setback to Spanish colonization, a glorious moment of independence for the pueblo people of the American southwest, or part of a larger movement to purge the Pueblo world of foreign influence and return to traditional, pre-Hispanic ways of life. It was no doubt a bit of all four. The Spanish first entered the northern Rio Grande region in 1539 and its control was cemented in place by the 1599 siege of Acoma pueblo by Don Vicente de Zaldivar and a few score of soldier colonists from the expedition of Don Juan de Oà ±ate. At Acomas Sky City, Oà ±ates forces killed 800 people  and captured 500 women and children and 80 men. After a trial, everyone over the age of 12 was enslaved; all men over 25 had a foot amputated. Roughly 80 years later, a combination of religious persecution and economic oppression led to a violent uprising in Santa Fe and other communities of what is today northern New Mexico. It was one of the few successful--if temporary--forceful stoppages of the Spanish colonial juggernaut in the New World. Life Under the Spanish As they had done in other parts of the Americas, the Spanish installed a combination of military and ecclesiastical leadership in New Mexico. The Spanish established missions of Franciscan friars in several pueblos to specifically break up the indigenous religious and secular communities, stamp out religious practices and replace them with Christianity. According to both Pueblo oral history and Spanish documents, at the same time the Spanish demanded that the pueblos render implicit obedience and pay heavy tribute in goods and personal service. Active efforts to convert the Pueblo people to Christianity involved destroying kivas and other structures, burning ceremonial paraphernalia in public plazas, and using accusations of witchcraft to imprison and execute traditional ceremonial leaders. The government also established an encomienda system, allowing up to 35 leading Spanish colonists to collect tribute from the households of a particular pueblo. Hopi oral histories report that the reality of the Spanish rule included forced labor, the seduction of Hopi women, raiding of kivas and sacred ceremonies, harsh punishment for failing to attend mass, and several rounds of drought and famine. Many accounts among Hopis and Zunis and other Puebloan people recount different versions than that of the Catholics, including sexual abuse of Pueblo women by Franciscan priests, a fact never acknowledged by the Spanish but cited in litigation in later disputes. Growing Unrest While the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 was the event that (temporarily) removed the Spanish from the southwest, it was not the first attempt. The pueblos had offered resistance throughout the 80-year period following the conquest. Public conversions didnt (always) lead to people giving up their traditions but rather drove the ceremonies underground. The Jemez (1623), Zuni (1639) and Taos (1639) communities each separately (and unsuccessfully) revolted. There also were multi-village revolts which took place in the 1650s and 1660s, but in each case  , the planned revolts were discovered and the leaders executed. The Pueblos were independent societies before Spanish rule, and fiercely so. What led to the successful revolt was the ability to overcome that independence and coalesce. Some scholars say that the Spanish unwittingly gave the Pueblo people a set of political institutions that they used to resist colonial powers. Others think it was a millenarian movement, and have pointed to a population collapse in the 1670s resulting from a devastating epidemic that killed off an estimated 80% of the native population, and it became clear that the Spanish were unable to explain or prevent epidemic diseases or calamitous droughts. In some respects, the battle was one of whose god was on whose side: both Pueblo and Spanish sides identified the mythical character of certain events, and both sides believed the events involved supernatural intervention. Nonetheless, the suppression of indigenous practices became particularly intense between 1660 and 1680, and one of the main reasons for the successful revolt appears to have occurred in 1675  when then-governor Juan Francisco de Trevino arrested 47 sorcerers, one of whom was Popay of San Juan Pueblo. Leadership PoPay (or Popà ©) was a Tewa religious leader, and he was to become a key leader and perhaps primary organizer of the rebellion. PoPay may have been key, but there were plenty of other leaders in the rebellion. Domingo Naranjo, a man of mixed African and Indian heritage, is often cited, and so are El Saca and El Chato of Taos, El Taque of San Juan, Francisco Tanjete of San Ildefonso, and Alonzo Catiti of Santo Domingo. Under the rule of colonial New Mexico, the Spanish deployed ethnic categories ascribing pueblo to lump linguistically and culturally diverse people into a single group, establishing dual and asymmetric social and economic relationships between the Spanish and Pueblos. Popay and the other leaders appropriated this to mobilize the disparate and decimated villages against their colonizers. August 10-19th, 1680 After eight decades of living under foreign rule, Pueblo leaders fashioned a military alliance that transcended longstanding rivalries. For nine days, together they besieged the capital of Santa Fe and other pueblos. In this initial battle, over 400 Spanish military personnel and colonists and 21 Franciscan missionaries lost their lives: the number of Pueblo people who died is unknown. Governor Antonio de Otermin and his remaining colonists retreated in ignominy to El Paso del Norte (what is today Cuidad Juarez in Mexico).    Witnesses said that during the revolt and afterward, PoPay toured the pueblos, preaching a message of nativism and revivalism. He ordered the pueblos to break up and burn the images of Christ, the Virgin Mary and other saints, to burn the temples, smash the bells, and separate from the wives the Christian church had given them. Churches were sacked in many of the pueblos; idols of Christianity were burned, whipped and felled, pulled down from the plaza centers and dumped in cemeteries. Revitalization and Reconstruction Between 1680 and 1692, despite the efforts of the Spanish to recapture the region, the Pueblo people rebuilt their kivas, revived their ceremonies and reconsecrated their shrines. People left their mission pueblos at Cochiti, Santo Domingo and Jemez and built new villages, such as Patokwa (established in 1860 and made up of Jemez, Apache/Navajos and Santo Domingo pueblo people), Kotyiti (1681, Cochiti, San Felipe and San Marcos pueblos), Boletsakwa (1680-1683, Jemez and Santo Domingo), Cerro Colorado (1689, Zia, Santa Ana, Santo Domingo), Hano (1680, mostly Tewa), Dowa Yalanne (mostly Zuni), Laguna Pueblo (1680, Cochiti, Cieneguilla, Santo Domingo and Jemez). There were many others. The architecture and settlement planning at these new villages was a new compact, dual-plaza form, a departure from the scattered layouts of mission villages. Liebmann and Pruecel have argued that this new format is what the builders considered a traditional prehispanic village, based on clan moieties. Some potters worked on reviving traditional motifs on their glaze-ware ceramics, such as the doubled-headed key motif, which originated AD 1400-1450. New social identities were created, blurring the traditional linguistic-ethnic boundaries that defined Pueblo villages during the first eight decades of colonization. Inter-pueblo trade and other ties between pueblo people were established, such as new trade relationships between Jemez and Tewa people which became stronger during the revolt era than they had been in the 300 years before 1680. Reconquest Attempts by the Spanish to reconquer the Rio Grande region began as early as 1681  when the former governor Otermin attempted to take back Santa Fe. Others included Pedro Romeros de Posada in 1688 and Domingo Jironza Petris de Cruzate in 1689--Cruzates reconquest was particularly bloody, his group destroyed Zia pueblo, killing hundreds of residents. But the uneasy coalition of independent pueblos wasnt perfect: without a common enemy, the confederation broke into two factions: the Keres, Jemez, Taos and Pecos against the Tewa, Tanos, and Picuris. The Spanish capitalized on the discord to make several reconquest attempts, and in August of 1692, the new governor of New Mexico Diego de Vargas, initiated his own reconquest, and this time was able to reach Santa Fe and on August 14th proclaimed the Bloodless Reconquest of New Mexico. A second abortive revolt occurred in 1696, but after it failed, the Spanish remained in power until 1821 when Mexico declared independence from Spain. Archaeological and Historical Studies Archaeological studies of the Great Pueblo Revolt have been focused on several threads, many of which began as early as the 1880s. Spanish mission archaeology has included excavating the mission pueblos; refuge site archaeology focuses on investigations of the new settlements created after the Pueblo Revolt; and Spanish site archaeology, including the royal villa of Santa Fe and the governors palace which was extensively reconstructed by the pueblo people. Early studies relied heavily on Spanish military journals and Franciscan ecclesiastical correspondence, but since that time, oral histories and active participation of the pueblo people have enhanced and informed scholarly understanding of the period. Recommended Books There are a few well-reviewed books that cover the Pueblo Revolt. Espinosa, MJ (translator and editor). 1988. The Pueblo Indian Revolt of 1698 and the Franciscan Missions in New Mexico: Letters of the Missionaries and Related Documents. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.Hackett CW, and Shelby, CC. 1943. Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermins Attempted Reconquest. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.Knaut, AL. 1995. The Pueblo Revolt of 1680: Conquest and Resistance in Seventeenth-Century New Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.Liebmann M. 2012. Revolt: An Archaeological History of Pueblo Resistance and Revitalization in 17th Century New Mexico. Tucson: University of Arizona PressPreucel, RW. (editor). 2002. Archaeologies of the Pueblo Revolt: Identity, Meaning, and Renewal in the Pueblo World. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.Riley, CL. 1995. Rio del Norte: People of the Upper Rio Grande from Earliest Times to the Pueblo Revolt. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.Wilcox, MV. 2009. The Pueblo Rev olt and the Mythology of Conquest: An Indigenous Archaeology of Contact. Berkley: University of California Press. Sources This article is part of the About.com guide to Ancestral Pueblo Societies, and part of the Dictionary of Archaeology Lamadrid ER. 2002. Santiago and San Acacio: Slaughter and Deliverance in the Foundational Legends of Colonial and Postcolonial New Mexico. The Journal of American Folklore 115(457/458):457-474.Liebmann M. 2008. The Innovative Materiality of Revitalization Movements: Lessons from the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. American Anthropologist 110(3):360-372.Liebmann M, Ferguson TJ, and Preucel RW. 2005. Pueblo Settlement, Architecture, and Social Change in the Pueblo Revolt Era, A.D. 1680 to 1696. Journal of Field Archaeology 30(1):45-60.Liebmann MJ, and Preucel RW. 2007. The archaeology of the Pueblo Revolt and the formation of the modern Pueblo world. Kiva 73(2):195-217.Preucel RW. 2002. Chapter I: Introduction. In: Preucel RW, editor. Archaeologies of the Pueblo Revolt: Identity, Meaning, and Renewal in the Pueblo World. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. p 3-32.Ramenofsky AF, Neiman F, and Pierce CD. 2009. Measuring Time, Population, and Residential Mobility from the Surface at San M arcos Pueblo, North Central New Mexico. American Antiquity 74(3):505-530.Ramenofsky AF, Vaughan CD, and Spilde MN. 2008. Seventeenth-Century Metal Production at San Marcos Pueblo, North-Central New Mexico. Historical Archaeology 42(4):105-131.Spielmann KA, Mobley-Tanaka JL, and Potter MJ. 2006. Style and Resistance in the Seventeenth-Century Salinas Province. American Antiquity 71(4):621-648.Vecsey C. 1998. Pueblo Indian Catholicism: The Isleta case. US Catholic Historian 16(2):1-19.Wiget A. 1996. Father Juan Greyrobe: Reconstructing tradition histories, and the reliability and validity of uncorroborated oral tradition. Ethnohistory 43(3):459-482.

Why Suicide Terrorism Is An Effective Tactic - 1354 Words

Critically examine why suicide terrorism is such an effective tactic. Over the past decades suicide terrorism has confirmed its effective tactic and it is seem to be developing and growing movement. Terrorism is designed to cause panic within people, communities and countries but also to gain the publicity through media. Suicide terrorism, more than other forms of terrorist activities is presenting determination and dedication both of dying by individual terrorist as well as the desire to kill innocent people. Suicide terrorism is an attractive tool for terrorist activities with guarantee media publicity with the international dimension. The aim of the attacks is to draw attention of governments, international organisations and†¦show more content†¦Properly motivated suicide bomber is in a position to break closer to the attack point and is more flexible which makes him more effective, also takes advantage of favourable situation. Suicide types of attacks are particularly shocking to people who do not understand the rationale and motivation o f perpetrators of such attacks. In addition, it deepens the psychological effect of suicide bomb attacks which is adding the fear and thus better promoting the objective of the terrorists. Another element of the strategy is untwisting the â€Å"spiral of violence†. The classic mechanism, which assume the existence of cycles of suicide terrorism activity in a â€Å"action-repression-reaction† it is aimed at lowering the public support for the government, and increase it for the terrorists. By curried out the suicide terrorism attacks, the intension and aim of the terrorists is to hit the repressive actions of the authorities not only in themselves but also in the group indentified with them and/or their supporters (a specified ethnic group, religious, social or the entire society). As a result, this process has lead to massive social explosion directed against the government. Such a model of strategy for terrorism has been used by most of the leftist groups in Europe in the nineteenth century, and in the

Winnie-the-Pooh Free Essays

Milne named the character Winnie-the-Pooh after a teddy bear owned by his son, Christopher Robin Milne, who was the basis for the character Christopher Robin. Christopher’s toys also lent their names to most of the other characters, except for Owl and Rabbit, as well as the Gopher character, who was added in the Disney version. Christopher Robin’s toy bear is now on display at the Main Branch of the New York Public Library in New York. We will write a custom essay sample on Winnie-the-Pooh or any similar topic only for you Order Now [2] Harry Colebourne and Winnie, 1914 Christopher Milne had named his toy bear after Winnie, a Canadian black bear which he often saw at London Zoo, and â€Å"Pooh†, a swan they had met while on holiday. The bear cub was purchased from a hunter for $20 by Canadian Lieutenant Harry Colebourn in White River, Ontario, Canada, while en route to England during the First World War. He named the bear â€Å"Winnie† after his hometown in Winnipeg, Manitoba. â€Å"Winnie† was surreptitiously brought to England with her owner, and gained unofficial recognition as The Fort Garry Horse regimental mascot. Colebourne left Winnie at the London Zoo while he and his unit were in France; after the war she was officially donated to the zoo, as she had become a much loved attraction there. [3] Pooh the swan appears as a character in its own right in When We Were Very Young. In the first chapter of Winnie-the-Pooh, Milne offers this explanation of why Winnie-the-Pooh is often called simply â€Å"Pooh†: â€Å"But his arms were so stiff †¦ they stayed up straight in the air for more than a week, and whenever a fly came and settled on his nose he had to blow it off. And I think — but I am not sure — that that is why he is always called Pooh. † Ashdown Forest: the setting for the stories The Winnie-the-Pooh stories are set in Ashdown Forest, Sussex, England. The forest is a large area of tranquil open heathland on the highest sandy ridges of the High Weald Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty situated 30 miles (50 km) south of London. In 1925 Milne, a Londoner, bought a country home a mile to the north of the forest at Cotchford Farm, near Hartfield. According to Christopher Milne, while his father continued to live in London â€Å"†¦ he four of us—he, his wife, his son and his son’s nanny—would pile into a large blue, chauffeur-driven Fiat and travel down every Saturday morning and back again every Monday afternoon. And we would spend a whole glorious month there in the spring and two months in the summer. † [4] From the front lawn the family had a view across a meadow to a line of alders that fringed the River Medway, beyond which the ground rose through more trees until finally â€Å"above them, in the faraway distance, crowning the view, was a bare hilltop. In the center of this hilltop was a clump of pines. † Most of his father’s visits to the forest at this time were, he noted, family expeditions on foot â€Å"to make yet another attempt to count the pine trees on Gill’s Lap or to search for the marsh gentian†. Christopher added that, inspired by Ashdown Forest, his father had made it â€Å"the setting for two of his books, finishing the second little over three years after his arrival†. Many locations in the stories can be linked to real places in and around the forest. As Christopher Milne wrote in his autobiography: â€Å"Pooh’s forest and Ashdown Forest are identical†. For example, the fictional â€Å"Hundred Acre Wood† was in reality Five Hundred Acre Wood; Galleon’s Leap was inspired by the prominent hilltop of Gill’s Lap, while a clump of trees just north of Gill’s Lap became Christopher Robin’s The Enchanted Place because no-one had ever been able to count whether there were sixty-three or sixty-four trees in the circle. [5] The landscapes depicted in E. H.  Shepard’s illustrations for the Winnie-the-Pooh books are directly inspired by the distinctive landscape of Ashdown Forest, with its high, open heathlands of heather, gorse, bracken and silver birch punctuated by hilltop clumps of pine trees. In many cases Shepard’s illustrations can be matched to actual views, allowing for a degree of artistic license. Shepard’s sketches of pine trees and other forest scenes are on display at the VA Museum in London. The game of Poohsticks was originally played by Christopher Milne on a footbridge across a tributary of the River Medway in Posingford Wood, close to Cotchford Farm. It is traditional to play the game there using sticks gathered in nearby woodland. When the footbridge required replacement in recent times the engineer designed a new structure based closely on the drawings by E. H. Shepard of the bridge in the original books, as the bridge did not originally appear as the artist drew it. An information board at the bridge describes how to play the game. First publication Winnie-the-Pooh’s debut in the 24 December 1925 London Evening News There are three claimants, depending on the precise question posed. Christopher Robin’s teddy bear, Edward, made his character debut in a poem called â€Å"Teddy Bear† in Milne’s book of children’s verse When We Were Very Young (6 November 1924) although his true first appearance was within the 13 February 1924 edition of Punch magazine which contained the same poem along with other stories by Milne and Shepard. Winnie-the-Pooh first appeared by name on 24 December 1925, in a Christmas story commissioned and published by the London newspaper The Evening News. It was illustrated by J. H. Dowd. [6] The first collection of Pooh stories appeared in the book Winnie-the-Pooh. The Evening News Christmas story reappeared as the first chapter of the book, and at the very beginning it explained that Pooh was in fact Christopher Robin’s Edward Bear, who had simply been renamed by the boy. The book was published in October 1926 by the publisher of Milne’s earlier children’s work, Methuen, in England, and E. P. Dutton in the United States. How to cite Winnie-the-Pooh, Essay examples

Theory and ideology

The Iranian nuclear aspirations have culminated in descent of relations between Iran and the Western superpowers. Particularly, the US has been critical of the nuclear aspirations of the nation. The nuclear aspirations of Iran began in the 1950s. The US, Germany and France availed apposite technical expertise for the realization of the above ambitions. The program began based on civilian objectives.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Theory and ideology specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More However, intelligence exposed that Iranian authorities had prolonged their ambition towards weaponry manufacture (Mustafa, 2006). However, the opposition by the US culminated from a sequence of chronological events. Initially, the 1979 switch of regime resulted in a rule that had countless ideological disparity with the US. Secondly, the abduction of US citizens in that nation dented the relations between the two states irreparably. C onsequently, the US petitioned the French and German entities contracted to build nuclear facilities to abandon the undertaking. This culminated in temporal stalling of the nuclear program. Nonetheless, with the minimal expertise that Iran acquired, they revived their nuclear aspirations by building two facilities secretly. The disclosure of progress in the Iranian program raised concern amongst the superpowers. Subsequently, the United Nation (UN) instituted diverse resolutions. The resolution aimed at containing Iranian nuclear aspirations. The US aspires to depress the Iranian nuclear ambitions of creating weaponry based on this expertise. Evidently, the US has some means of halting this program. This write-up will elaborate the tactics that the world superpower can institute (Inbar, 2006). Iran is under countless sanctions, consequently; the American can appeal for the suspension of the sanctions. Appealing against the sanction will be a lengthy process that will facilitate the American administration to monitor the advancement, which the Iranians have accomplished in their nuclear endeavours. The lengthy duration will result from the prolonged process of passing such a resolution in the UN assembly. Dropping of sanctions will allow Iran to enlarge its trade since the nation only trades in minimal merchandise due to the sanctions. This option is exceedingly viable as Iran is seeking to be the prevailing state in Middle East. However, accomplishment of such status requires economic empowerment of the state.Advertising Looking for essay on international relations? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Ahmadinejad seeks to be the Middle East most prominent president, as such; it is vital for his nation to possess relevant political and financial persuasion. However, the above emanates predominantly from economic might. Wavering of sanctions will allow this nation with colossal natural recourses to amass wealt h hence, altering the power balance in the region. Consequently, Iran will challenge Saudi Arabia’s supremacy. This would result in fresh centre of power. Additionally, lifting of sanction would facilitate proper exploitation of the civilian nuclear potential that the nation possesses. Wavering of sanctions would have sizeable influence on Ahmadinejad since it would uplift the standards of the citizenry whom he wishes to capture. Nonetheless, Iran has survived despite the sanctions. As such, the Iranian administration may overlook the incentives to lift restrictions. Evidently, Ahmadinejad’s fundamental objective is challenging the supremacy of western nations particularly America. In sum, lifting of restrictions presents a tactic that Americans can utilize to persuade Iran to ditch their nuclear program (Inbar, 2006). Ahmadinejad is the prime stabling block to the realization of the American objective of halting uranium enrichment. This leader has solely shaped the id eology of the Iranian republic. The state has assumed a confrontational stance with most nations as it seeks to attain supremacy in Middle East. Ahmadinejad is central to the enrichment of Uranium as he endeavours to challenge other elite nations. Visibly, Ahmadinejad is pursuing personal ambition in pretence of the national good. Attainment of nuclear armaments under this administration possesses an eminent risk to the planetary peace. As such, removal of Ahmadinejad would present the state with an opening for a fresh beginning. Consequently, America can utilize this opportunity of transition in leadership to persuade the fresh leader who would be seeking international acceptance to halt nuclear enrichment. Nonetheless, such an undertaking would demand sizeable funding to champion an American friendly leader. Furthermore, such an undertaking would result in far-reaching criticism since American authorities would be overstepping their directives. Conversely, this measure can also cu lminate in the disintegration of the nation. As such, the measure would have counterproductive results since this would enlarge the prospect of nuclear propagation owing to the absence of a stable authority. Conclusively, this presents a viable option that will fundamentally rely on success of replacing Ahmadinejad with friendly president willing to negotiate (Mustafa, 2006).Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Theory and ideology specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More If non-military strategies fail, then America can adopt military action. However, adoption of this option would be in extreme circumstances. Additionally, institution of military action would generate vast criticism. Similarly, the American regime would be averse to adopting such a measure since it has undertaken several military invasions that have culminated poorly. The utilization of this measure would depend on a consensus settled at the UN. The extreme circumstances that would necessitate such measure would entail endangering of the universal peace. Conclusively, lifting of sanctions presents the best tool to halt the progress of Iranian fortification of Uranium. This measure would cause minimal political volatility. Moreover, it would require negligible financing and would represent a fair bargain to both parties involved. Unlike the military option or removal of Ahmadinejad, waiver of sanction will be peaceful. However, implementation of this tool would encounter enormous hurdles since Iran has coped brilliantly despite the sanctions (Pedatzur, 2008). References Inbar, E. (2006). The need to block a nuclear Iran. Meria, 10(1), 85-105. Mustafa, K. (2006). Good for the Shah, banned for the Mullahs: The west and Iran’s quest for nuclear power. The Middle East Journal, 60(2), 207-232. Pedatzur, R. (2008). The Iranian nuclear threat and the Israeli options. Taylor Francis Online, 28(2), 513-541. This essay on Theory and ideology was written and submitted by user Marie Thompson to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Chinas Hukou System

Chinas Hukou System Chinas Hukou system is a family registration program that serves as a domestic passport, regulating population distribution and rural-to-urban migration. It is a tool for social and geographic control that enforces an apartheid structure that denies farmers the same rights and benefits enjoyed by urban residents.    History of the Hukou System The modern Hukou system was formalized as a permanent program in 1958.   The system was created to ensure social, political, and economic stability.   Chinas economy was largely agrarian during the early days of the Peoples Republic of China.  In order to speed up industrialization, the government prioritized heavy industry by following the Soviet model.   In order to finance this expansion, the state underpriced agricultural products, and overpriced industrial products to induce an unequal exchange between the two sectors, essentially paying peasants less than market price for their agricultural goods.   In order to sustain this artificial imbalance, the government had to create a system which restricts the free flow of resources, especially labor, between industry and agriculture, and between city and countryside.    Individuals became categorized by the state as either rural or urban, and they were required to stay and work within their designated geographic areas.   Traveling was permitted under controlled conditions, but residents assigned to a certain area will not be given access to jobs, public services, education, healthcare, and food in another area.   A rural farmer who chooses to move to the city without a government-issued Hukou would essentially share the same status an illegal immigrant in the United States.   Obtaining an official rural-to-urban Hukou change is extremely difficult.   The Chinese government has tight quotas on conversions per year.    Effects of the Hukou System The Hukou system has historically always benefited the urbanites.   During the Great Famine of the mid-twentieth century, individuals with rural Hukous were collectivized into communal farms, where much of their agricultural output were taken in the form of a tax by the state and given to city dwellers.   This led to massive starvation in the countryside, and the Great Leap Forward would not be abolished until the effects were felt in the cities. After the Great Famine, rural residents continued to be marginalized, while urban citizens enjoyed a range of socio-economic benefits.   Even today, a farmers income is one-sixth that of the average urban dweller.   Farmers have to pay three times more in taxes, but receive a lower standard of education, healthcare, and life.   The Hukou system impedes upward mobility, creating essentially a caste system that governs Chinese society.    Since the capitalistic reforms of the late 1970s, an estimated 260 million rural dwellers have illegally moved to the cities, in an attempt to partake in the remarkable economic development taking place there.   These migrants brave discrimination and possible arrest while living on the urban fringe in shantytowns, railway stations, and street corners.   They are often blamed for rising crime and unemployment.    Reform With Chinas rapid industrialization, the Hukou system needed to be reformed in order to adapt to the countrys new economic reality.   In 1984, the State Council conditionally opened the door of market towns to peasants.   Country residents were allowed to get a new type of permit called, â€Å"self-supplied food grain† Hukou, provided that they satisfied a number of requirements.   The primary requirements are that a migrant must be employed in enterprise, have their own accommodations in the new location, and be able to self-provide their own food grain.   Holders are still not eligible for many state services and they cannot move to other urban areas ranked higher than that particular town.    In 1992, the PRC launched another form of permit called the blue-stamp Hukou.   Unlike the self-supplied food grain Hukou, which is limited to certain business peasants, the blue stamp Hukou is open to a wider population and allowed migration into bigger cities.   Some of these cities included the Special Economic Zones (SEZ), which were havens for foreign investments.   Eligibility was primarily limited to those with familial relations with domestic and overseas investors.   Ã‚  The Hukou system experienced another form of liberation in 2001​ after China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO).   Although WTO membership exposed Chinas agricultural sector to foreign competition, leading to job losses, it galvanized the labor-intensive sectors, particularly in textile and clothing, leading to an urban labor demand.   The intensity of patrols and documentation inspections were relaxed.    In 2003, changes were also made to how illegal migrants are to be detained and processed.   This was the result of a media and internet-frenzied case in which a college educated urbanite named, Sun Zhigang, was beaten to death after he was taken into custody for working in the megacity of Guangzhou without the proper Hukou ID. Despite the reforms, the current Hukou system still remains fundamentally intact because of the continuing disparities between the states agricultural and industrial sectors.   Although the system is highly controversial and vilified, a complete abandonment of the Hukou is not practical, due to the complexity and interconnectedness of the modern Chinese economic society.   Its removal could lead to a migration so massive that it could cripple city infrastructures and destroy the rural economy.   For now, minor changes will continue to be made to the Hukou, as it coincides with Chinas shifting political climate.

Verbal Behavior Analysis (VBA) Helps Children With Language Deficits

Verbal Behavior Analysis (VBA) Helps Children With Language Deficits Verbal Behavior Analysis, or VBA, is a language intervention strategy based on the work of B.F. Skinner. An American psychologist, social philosopher, and inventor, Skinner was a leading figure in the branch of psychology known as Behaviorism. This school of psychology derives from â€Å"the belief that behaviors can be measured, trained and changed,† according to Psychology Today. With this in mind, Verbal Behavior Analysis can be a powerful approach to addressing the language deficits of children on the autism spectrum. Autism is a developmental disorder that makes it difficult for children and adults who have the condition to communicate and interact with others. But Skinner posited that language is learned behavior mediated by others. He introduced the terms Mand, Tact, and Intraverbal to describe three different kinds of verbal behaviors. Defining the Terms Manding is either demanding or commanding others for desired objects or activities. Tacting is identifying and naming objects, and intraverbals are utterances (language) mediated by other language, often called pragmatics by speech and language pathologists. What Occurs During VBA Treatment? In VBA treatment, a therapist sits with an individual child and presents preferred items. The child will receive the preferred item when he or she imitates the therapist and mands or requests the item. The therapist will ask a child for a number of responses, often in quick succession, known as massed trials or discrete trial training. The therapist will build on success by having the child select from more than one preferred item, by demanding clearer or more audible approximations of the word in order receive the preferred item (called shaping) and mixing it up with other preferred activities. This first step is done once a child has exhibited success in manding, especially manding in phrases, the therapist will move ahead with tacting. When a child succeeds in learning and naming familiar objects, the therapist will build on that with intraverbals,  naming relationships. For example, the therapist will ask, Jeremy, where is the hat? The child will then respond, The hat is under the chair. The therapist will help the child generalize these verbal skills to a variety of settings, such as school, in public and at home with parents or caregivers. How VBA Differs From ABA The MyAutismClinic website states that ABA and VBA, though related, are not the same. What’s the difference between the two? â€Å"ABA is the science that uses principles of behavior like reinforcement, extinction, punishment, stimulus control, motivation to teach new behaviors, modify and/or terminate maladaptive behaviors,† the MyAutismClinic site states. â€Å"Verbal Behavior or VB  is simply the application of these scientific principles to language.† The site states  that some people believe that ABA is more efficient than VBA, but this is a misconception. â€Å"A well-trained professional should make use of the principles of ABA in all areas of the child’s development including language,† according to MyAutismClinic. VBA is simply a comprehensive ABA approach to language.

EMC Design for Boiler Controller Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

EMC Design for Boiler Controller - Assignment Example The paper discusses the concepts related to Electro Magnetic Compatibility like Electro Magnetic Compatibility design principles. The paper also relates these concepts to the design of a Boiler Controller with five subsystems. The EMC mitigation techniques like filtering, shielding, bonding of cables, PCB layout, etc. have to be detailed for this Boiler Controller. Also, system hardening recommendations has to be proposed for system in case of any discrepancy in the design. Dr. Franz Schlagenhaufer and Mathew Wood says that ‘Grounding, shielding, filtering and cabling/wiring are important design criteria to achieve EMC on the equipment level. In order to avoid costly overkill solutions and to tailor individual measures in the case of contradicting requirements, †¦.their application must be based on sound theoretical principles. A sound knowledge of electromagnetic theory is essential to understand and appreciate EMC measures’.